When Gen Z took to the streets of Kathmandu on September 8 to protest the KP Oli government’s sudden ban on social media, few expected it would ignite the country’s most consequential youth-led revolt in decades. What followed over the next 48 hours stunned the nation: never before in Nepal’s history had an apolitical demonstration escalated into a full-scale generational uprising.
What began as anger over a social media ban quickly morphed into mass protests against corruption and entrenched political elites. By the evening of September 9, at least 35 people were dead, government buildings lay in flames and Prime Minister KP Oli’s government had collapsed. Oli resigned and disappeared from public view as the army imposed a curfew and Kathmandu reeled from the chaos. The unrest soon spread beyond the capital, engulfing towns and cities across the country.
Police opened fire indiscriminately on September 8 which fueled the rage. Protesters retaliated the next day by torching ministries, looting banks and surrounding homes of political leaders. With the country on the brink, Nepal Army chief General Ashok Raj Sigdel reached out to protesters on the evening of September 9, inviting Gen Z representatives for dialogue to calm the crisis. For Gen Z, the ban on social media platforms, including Facebook and YouTube, was more than an inconvenience—it was the tipping point. Years of frustration over unemployment, cronyism and impunity erupted into the most forceful youth-led movement Nepal had seen in decades.
Just three days later, on September 12, Nepal had a new interim leader: Sushila Karki. At 73, the country’s first female chief justice became its first female prime minister. Her surprise elevation came after massive online backing from young protesters, who rallied on platforms like Discord, citing her record of challenging corruption and elite privilege.
From Online Outrage to Mass Protest
The spark was the government’s blanket ban on 26 social media platforms, citing their failure to register with the Ministry of Communication and Information Technology. For young Nepalis, social media was indispensable—for staying connected, running businesses, communicating with family abroad, and, for creators, building careers.
At the same time, a trend inspired by Indonesia’s 2024 “Nepo Baby” movement went viral. Young Nepalis flooded TikTok and Reddit with clips exposing the lavish lifestyles of politicians’ children—foreign education, luxury cars, designer watches and exotic vacations. The images stood in stark contrast to the lives of ordinary families, many surviving on remittances sent home by migrant workers.
Despite the ban, youth circumvented restrictions through VPNs, keeping conversations alive. They questioned on social media platforms how the children of public servants could afford such extravagance in a country where the prime minister’s official salary is under Rs 100,000 a month. By early September, scattered frustration had already transformed into coordinated action. Discord groups, Reddit threads and Instagram posts mobilized thousands into the streets. There was no single leader, no party machinery—only a generation demanding accountability, transparency and zero tolerance for corruption.
Against Systematic Corruption
Nepal ranked 107th out of 180 in Transparency International’s 2024 Corruption Perceptions Index, slipping from a score of 35 in 2023 to 34 in 2024. This was largely because oversight bodies had been hollowed out, high-level positions auctioned for millions of rupees and public resources plundered with impunity.
Scandals ranging from the Bhutanese refugee scam to visit-visa frauds and cooperative fund embezzlement exposed just how untouchable the political elite had become. Even when investigations began, prosecutions rarely followed.
“The ministers now in office are not the ones who participated in the protests. Despite this, public support for the movement is strong, fueled by frustration over corruption and lack of accountability," said analyst Krishna Khanal. "At the same time, the violence during the protests raised questions about infiltration or manipulation within the movement.”
Along with preparing for elections, the interim government faces the daunting task of addressing corruption. “Curbing corruption at the political level may be possible under this government. However, a high-level commission may be needed to handle past corruption cases. Its mandate must be legally secured to ensure it has full authority,” Khanal suggested.
Another political analyst Jhalak Subedi cautioned, saying that corruption may not vanish overnight. "It is uncertain whether Nepali society will ever be free of corruption and unaccountability," he added.
A Leaderless Movement
Unlike earlier uprisings led by charismatic figures, the September protests had no central command. Even with social media officially blocked, participants turned to VPNs, Discord channels, Reddit threads and Instagram stories for coordination. Where to gather, what slogans to chant and which issues to spotlight were decisions that emerged from countless online conversations.
This decentralized structure made the movement resilient. With no single target to silence, the government found the protests harder to suppress. However, it also created challenges. Messages sometimes conflicted, misinformation spread and rival youth groups clashed over which candidates to back for the interim government.
“At the outset, the demands were straightforward—the lifting of the social media ban and action against corruption, particularly the misuse of public resources. A few days before the demonstrations, some Gen Z youths even approached the local administration seeking permission for a peaceful protest. At that time, there were no political demands," Khanal said. "Now, they are calling for a directly elected head of the government, which would require constitutional amendments. This shift occurred without any formal leadership steering it.”
Khanal added that although the protest toppled KP Oli’s government, it also exposed the risks of leaderless movements. "One challenge of a leaderless movement is the absence of a figure to provide clear direction," he added.
End to Cronyism?
The destruction of business establishments during the protests was tragic. However, it also revealed a deeper truth: politics and business in Nepal are deeply entangled. Malls, showrooms and hotels are perceived to be tied to politically connected families went up in flames.
However, experts wonder whether meaningful reform will follow. Some analysts see potential for a course correction. Billions of rupees in losses and threats to thousands of jobs have made elites nervous because the damage is tangible, not symbolic. Still, history suggests crony capitalism is remarkably resilient. Policies tend to favor insiders, contracts go to the well-connected people and accountability is easily evaded.
Political analyst CD Bhatta said Nepal’s business community has long fostered unchecked crony capitalism. "Parliament has become a site of political capture, Singha Durbar a symbol of corruption and the courts centers of injustice," Bhatta said. "Cronyism has been promoted at every level, reinforcing abuse of power and weakening public trust.”
People Wanted Change
Nepal’s economic landscape reflects inequality. With a per capita income of roughly $1,456, the average Nepali earns far less than people in neighboring India and Bangladesh. Stagnation has pushed youth abroad in droves. In 2024/25, more than 800,000 Nepalis obtained labor permits for foreign jobs. Even returnees faced disillusionment as opportunities were often tied to connections rather than merit.
“Economic opportunities were absent, and youths were treated as commodities—sent abroad as soon as they finished grade twelve,” said Bhatta. “But this time, they challenged the system. And the regime changed.”
Systemic deficiencies in healthcare, education and public services added to the frustration. Subedi said people wanted real change. "The working class was already frustrated, and the elites had created the ground for unrest even before the movement began," he said. "On the first day, the middle class joined in; by the second, the lower middle class, disillusioned with the system, was visibly present. This layering of participation showed just how deep dissatisfaction had spread.”
What Next?
Nepal’s political future remains uncertain even after Sushila Karki assumed office as interim prime minister. She initially appointed three ministers—Rameshore Prasad Khanal in finance, Kulman Ghising in energy, and Om Prakash Aryal in home affairs—signaling intent to confront corruption, economic instability and governance failures. She inducted four more ministers later on. However, many ministries still remain vacant, raising doubts about the government’s ability to act decisively.
Karki faces the dual challenge of restoring public trust while addressing systemic failures. Elections are scheduled for March 2026, giving the interim government little time to set the tone.
“Since the country has already suffered significant setbacks, it urgently needs a political pathway forward,” Khanal said. “The protest voiced frustration, but it cannot replace structured solutions. A thoughtful and peaceful resolution is essential to channel this energy into sustainable change.”
Subedi said the current government has not choice but to hold elections. "Those in the cabinet lack a political mandate. Expertise cannot substitute for political understanding. These challenges must be navigated with sensitivity and caution,” he added.
Bhatta said the government must focus on four key areas. “First, rebuild and strengthen state institutions, especially after police were seen surrendering during the crisis. Second, improve political management to ensure stability. Third, make service delivery effective and accessible. And fourth, restore the state’s core survival functions,” he said.
For the young protesters who toppled a government in under 48 hours, the hope is that their demands for accountability and fairness will bring real reforms—not just symbolic gestures.
This report was originally published in October 2025 issue of New Business Age magazine.
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